Hoor Asrar mentions the most crucial phase of Pakistan
Actually, the Final march towards Pakistan Movement started picking up pace in the late 1920s and the speed increased in the 1930s as the silhouette of a separate Muslim state started to emerge quite dimly with many Muslim figures predicting a separate future for Muslims. Initially, though the figures vouching for a separate state were routinely dismissed as existing on the fringes and the most potent example in this respect example was Ch. Rehmat Ali was not given any credibility by any mainstream Muslim political group including Muslim League.
The first sign that the Muslims considered separation as their ultimate objective was the complete reversal in the policy position of MA Jinnah, hitherto dubbed as an ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity, to break ranks with the Hindu leadership and insist on keeping the constitutional safeguard of separate electorates for Muslims and created a deadlock that was not fated to change ever. This was the first and the last time that MA Jinnah withdrew from the political scene and ultimately achieved his goal.
Toeing the line given by MA Jinnah in his 14 points, the popular Muslim poet in his presidential address to the Muslim League session at Allahabad in 1930 described India as Asia in miniature, in which a unitary form of government was inconceivable and religious community rather than territory was the basis for identification. To him, communalism in its highest sense was the key to the formation of a harmonious whole in India.
Therefore, he demanded the establishment of a confederated India to include a Muslim state consisting of Punjab, North-West Frontier Province, Sindh, and Balochistan. In subsequent speeches and writings, he reiterated the claims of Muslims to be considered a nation based on the unity of language, race, history, religion, and identity of economic interests thereby consolidating the idea.
Round Table Conference
The situation substantially changed after the Round Table Conferences in which British imperialism finally abandoned running the subcontinent on a centralized basis and conceded that the federation was the only workable solution to a disparate and vast area and Iqbal’s assertion of confederation was not very far-off from it.
This change was very encouraging and the very fact that the death of Mian Shafi, the leader of the divisive faction of the Muslim League, left the party leaderless, made MA Jinnah return to the political scene in India in 1934 and then on the political temperature got hotter by the day. He immediately set about restoring a sense of purpose to Muslims and started once again to emphasize the Two Nation Theory indicating the final destination.
Matters now moved fast as, under the 1935 Government of India Act, the Indian people were provided the right to adult franchise for the first time as elections to the provincial legislative assemblies were held in 1937. As Congress was quite experienced in political electioneering it swept the polls gaining majorities in seven of the eleven provinces and took a strictly legalistic but narrow stand on the formation of provincial ministries. And refused to form coalition governments with Muslim League and vigorously denied the Muslim League’s claim to be the only true representative of Indian Muslims.
Muslim League ended up a poor second and MA Jinnah, for the first and last time, asked Congress for collaboration and to go for coalitions but the communal hubris prevented the majority party from cooperating slamming the door shut on Muslims forever. The conduct of Congress ministries in Muslim-minority provinces permanently alienated the Muslim League as well as the Muslim population of the subcontinent.
Rejection Of RTC
By the late 1930s, MA Jinnah was convinced of the need for a unifying issue among Muslims and Pakistan was the obvious answer. It was therefore not surprising when the Muslim League in March 1940 openly declared that its ultimate goal was attaining a grouping of areas of the Muslim majority in northwestern and eastern parts to constitute independent states that would be autonomous and sovereign asserting that any independence plan without this provision was unacceptable to Muslims.
The Muslim League categorically rejected the federation thereby bypassing the recommendations of the Round Table Conferences were rejected but then the conditions radically altered. Interestingly, the Pakistan movement received its greatest support from areas in which Muslims were a minority and in those areas, the main issue was finding an alternative to replacing British rule with Congress rule.
It was quite obvious that the Congress was to contest the claims of the Muslim League and from now on the contest was between the Muslim and Hindu leadership and both political parties faced their toughest test. The situation gradually turned from bad to worse and from 1940 on, reconciliation between Congress and Muslim League became increasingly difficult, if not impossible.
During World War II, Muslim League and Congress adopted different attitudes toward British rule with Congress ministers in the provinces resigning in protest. As a consequence, Congress, with most of its leaders in jail for opposition to the Raj, and as a consequence lost its political leverage over the British. The Muslim League, however, followed a course of cooperation, gaining time to consolidate. MA Jinnah devoted all his energies and skills to rejuvenating the Muslim League and mobilizing Muslim opinion and his hard work paid off.
Decision To Boycotting Muslim League
His party single-mindedly and devotedly traveled to every part of India inhabited by Muslims and their efforts paid off as the Muslim League swept the polls 90 percent of the Muslim seats in the 1946 election, compared with only 4.5 percent in the 1937 elections.
The 1946 election was, in effect, a plebiscite among Muslims in Pakistan. In London, it became clear that there were three parties in any discussion on the future of India: the British, Congress, and Muslim League. In actual fact, the real contest was between the Muslim League and Congress as the British were fast becoming irrelevant and were gasping for breath and marking time.
Being aware of the weakness of the British power the Congress decided on widespread public agitation cornering the British with their backs to the wall but the general unrest spread far and wide. Still clinging to power and expecting to withdraw with dignity and order the British took another trick from the hat in the shape of the doomed.
Even the formation of an interim government was also controversial with the Muslim League boycotting the interim government as the Muslim League boycotted the interim government and each party disputing the right of the other to appoint Muslim ministers, a prerogative Jinnah claimed belonged solely to the Muslim League. When the viceroy proceeded to form an interim government without the Muslim League, Jinnah called for demonstrations and communal rioting broke out.
Cornered badly the British government decided to grant independence to India by June 1948 and throughout the summer of 1947, as communal violence mounted, preparations for partition proceeded in Delhi. Assets were divided, boundary commissions were set up to demarcate frontiers and British troops were evacuated. On 14 August 1947, Pakistan and India achieved independence. The Weekender